Affinal

The settlers 'ability to make and sustain disparate claims depended on social relationships, so their decisions about when and where to claim land were predicated on both practical and affinal considerations. ❋ Unknown (2008)

Kin networks, endogamy, and repeated affinal marriages were evident by the second generation, establishing patterns that persisted throughout the eighteenth century. ❋ Unknown (2008)

Albertina and Rosa were strangers to one another until the LC assigned them to neighboring plots, and they shared no blood or affinal kinship. ❋ Unknown (2005)

The second innovation was more dramatic and stemmed from an affinal connection dating back to Elena's adolescence. ❋ Unknown (2005)

Although there were no formal kinship ties between N'waXidyula and the women of the Muzimba family with whom Cufassane remembers her grandmother making pots in Macaene, one of these women eventually became part of Cufassane's own affinal kinship network, because she was a kokwana (grandmother) to a future nyatihomu (sister-in-law) of Cufassane. ❋ Unknown (2005)

In these cases, women had been able to exercise some degree of agency in determining where and/or next to whom they established field borders, with the result that they were farming among birth, affinal or fictive kin and construed their right to this land in collective rather than individual terms. ❋ Unknown (2005)

Bestowing her name on the childcreating a namesakeestablished an enduring bond that complemented or stood in place of ties of blood or affinal kinship, since a midwife might be a female relative (usually an affine), a nsungukati 80 from a neighboring homestead, or a female member of the staff of a mission or state hospital. ❋ Unknown (2005)

This last label was consistent with the habit, in casual conversation, of calling a married woman (who formally keeps her own xivongo) by her husband's family name, a gesture of respect acknowledging her fulfillment of the social obligation to marry and the transfer of her place-identity from birth to affinal homestead according to the rules of virilocal marriage. ❋ Unknown (2005)

She had married in the tiko of her birth; there were few women in Facazisse with whom she could not claim kinship; and she was farming land she had obtained either from her husband's relatives or from the LC as an affinal owner of the land. ❋ Unknown (2005)

Both Julieta and Tamara learned potmaking from women who had married into the Magude area from elsewhere and for whom pottery was not only an economic undertaking, a source of income in cash or food crops, but also a way of binding themselves into the gendered social universe of their vukatini through ties more extensive, intimate, and manageable than affinal status alone could offer them. ❋ Unknown (2005)

Emphasizing continuity rather than change, women's life-storytelling reveals their deep involvement in extensive kin-based social networks (consanguineal, affinal, fictive), but places marriage and uterine ties consistently in the narrative foreground. ❋ Unknown (2005)

Since according to the norms of virilocal marriage, no married adult woman lives in the muti of her father's family (and indeed might live a long distance from her natal home), the creation of a namesake bond with a younger woman presents a way to strengthen existing ties of blood or affinal kinship, and to foster a lifelong relationship of mutual affection and assistance that will, necessarily, stretch across geographic space. ❋ Unknown (2005)

Cultivating the soil together in turn encouragedindeed, compelledwomen to deepen and formalize their interconnectedness by cultivating vuxaka (kinship) not only within existing networks of patrilineal and affinal relatives but, perhaps more importantly, among non-related female neighbors and friends. ❋ Unknown (2005)

Obviously Sonia being an affinal kin does not share the same feeling. ❋ Steve Sailer (2002)

Indeed, a beneficial aspect of Huang's ascendency may have been to prevent affinal families from gaining influence. ❋ Unknown (1999)

Although this eliminated the danger of affinal families coming to dominate the government, it did not prevent a consort from being able to manipulate an emperor for her own ends, as the case of Empress Zhen demonstrates. 69 But whether the palace women might distract a ruler from the affairs of state was more a function of the inclinations and will of the ruler than of the women themselves. ❋ Unknown (1999)

Ironically, Wang's actions seem to have been motivated not simply by a desire to exact revenge but also by a clear understanding of the threat that affinal relatives posed. ❋ Unknown (1999)

Emperor Guangwu was very much aware of the threat that affinal families could pose to the position of the Lius on the throne. ❋ Unknown (1999)

Page view page image: extraordinary woman whose influence extended through the reign of four emperors, but to hold up an example of how an empress and affinal relatives ought to behave when blessed with imperial favor and the position and wealth that flow from it. ❋ Unknown (1999)

These changes were to contribute significantly to factional struggles among eunuchs, affinal relatives, and officials and would result in the dynasty's ruin. 74 ❋ Unknown (1999)