Triliteral

It looks like in Hellenosemitica (1965), Astour mentioned a Hittite rendering, Lakisi, together with a later Phoenician colony called Lixus (Λίξος) which, if valid, would suggest a predominantly Semitic use of the name as well as diminish my offhand triliteral alternative with theta. ❋ Unknown (2010)

Judging only by the spelling of the Hebrew name לכיש, I'd expect instead a Proto-Semitic triliteral *l-k-š/θ. ❋ Unknown (2010)

So, it's not surprising that I managed to find a lead in one of Bomhard and Kern's books (see Bomhard/Kerns, The Nostratic Macrofamily (1994), p.386) which compares PIE *gʰrebʰ- "to scratch" with a list of Semitic data which suggest a triliteral skeleton *grb. ❋ Unknown (2009)

Considering my comparison to Semitic triliteral *bwʔ, it makes me wonder if I can get away with even more direct phonetics using *h₁, instead of *h₂ as I had been proposing. ❋ Unknown (2008)

Apologies, I wrote "Semitic triliteral *[ḫdy]", and that should be *[ḫdʔ] instead (that is, according to Richardson, Hammurabi's Laws: Text, Translation and Glossary (2004), p.227). ❋ Unknown (2008)

So when I find a triliteral root in Semitic languages meaning 'to rejoice' Aramaic hd', Ugaritic ḫdw, Akkadian ḫdū, which in its substantivized form becomes Akkadian muḫaddū 'causing joy', I wonder a little if we have another instance of prehistorical crosscultural contact that's been blurred by internal Pre-IE changes like Syncope since the time of its borrowing. ❋ Unknown (2008)

Now, there is no longer the burden of proof to show that the Semitic triliteral *ḫdy was used for drunkenness, although I've already shown the simple crosslinguistic relationship between the semantics of inebriation and elation. ❋ Unknown (2008)

All other feet, primary or secondary, consist necessarily of seven letters, as they contain a triliteral Watad (see supra i. 2) with either two biliteral Sabab khafíf (i. 1) or a quadriliteral Fásilah ❋ Unknown (2006)

Both Mehri wēda and Akkadian wadū (variant of idū) make it uncertain whether it's appropriate to reconstruct *w- or *y- as the first radical of the Proto-Semitic (PSem) triliteral meaning “to know”1. ❋ Unknown (2008)

However, I notice that the initial semivowel of the triliteral *wd` is uncertain. ❋ Unknown (2008)

The reason why I think this regards equations like PSem *ḥāniṭu “ripening” based on the triliteral verb root *ḥnṭ “to ripen” (c.f. *ḥinṭu “wheat, barley”) and Mid IE (MIE) *xénda “to blossom” ( PIE *h₂endʰ-). ❋ Unknown (2008)

However, the exact phonetic nature of the last so-called 'weak' consonant of this triliteral doesn't affect my conjecture that PIE *mad- may be from a contraction of Mid IE (MIE) *maxéda- to explain away the origin of *-a- here (i.e. through voicing and disappearance of laryngeal during Syncope) and that it may ultimately be borrowed from the passive participle of this Semitic root. ❋ Unknown (2008)

Compare PIE *mesg- possibly pronounced [mezɢ̰-] "to dip in water"[1] with PSem *māsiʔu, active participle of triliteral root *msʔ "to wash"[2]. ❋ Unknown (2008)

If it were a I-w verb like *wθb "to sit", then the *w would simply be part of the triliteral. ❋ Unknown (2008)

The triliteral wdʕ is confirmed by Johnstone/Smith, Mehri Lexicon and English-Mehri Word-list 1987, p.421. ❋ Unknown (2008)